In chapter three, Dixon describes what she calls maternal conditioning, which refers to the process by which “women become conditioned to behav[e] in a certain way and… [expect] certain things and to the material conditions that women find themselves in once they act as they are told” (94). The structural inequalities that produce the inequities faced by women in Mexico and the effects of this are related to this. This chapter also heavily focuses on “patient-provider interactions” and it is through this analysis that Dixon illuminates what many anthropologists term illness experiences and life world meaning. The patient’s experience in the context of their world, in this case, the structures that result in low-income women and women who live in rural areas, to die in childbirth or have various morbidities during pregnancy and birth, informs their experience and their interactions with health professionals. Structural inequities like poor road conditions and limited access and knowledge are then framed by the ways midwives address structural violence through a “humanization of the health-care system” (95). It is this that I believe gets to the root of how midwifery in Mexico is able to bridge the gap between patients and providers. Because they build trust with their patients and are able to address their needs in a way other health providers are unable to, midwives in Mexico are able to reduce morbidity rates and give women care that they are likely unable to receive elsewhere.